Centered on Civil Liberties & Political Issues, Human Development & Socioeconomic Matters
On June 30, the political focus of most people was at Tahrir Square, in Cairo, to see the scheduled mass demonstrations, which were called up in opposition to Egyptian president, Mohamed Morsi, and against the dominance of Muslim Brotherhood of Egypt’s political life. Millions of Egyptian protesters flooded into Cairo’s squares and streets, and other major cities, calling for the dethronement of their democratically elected president and his governing Islamist brothers just after one-year in office.
Given the unexampled size and intensity of the revolt (believably, in two-digit millions) and thus its instantaneous triumph, a new-sprung state of political perplexity about the future of Egypt and hence the Arab region, have reemerged throughout the world.
Many people think that the past two-year-old wave of Arab protests and demonstrations, known as the Arab Spring, is a new phenomenon to Arabs. In fact, Arab revolts have been very active against foreign occupations and colonial rule as old as the 19th century. However, it was July 23, 1952, when the first internally aimed Arab revolt, known as the “Egyptian Revolution”, sprang up in the heartland of the Arab world, upon which the monarchy of king Farouk I of Egypt was overthrown.
The success of Egyptian revolution and coup d’état of 1952, which was masterminded and led by the late charismatic Gamal Abdel Nasser, had created sweeping momentum throughout the Arab world at which several Arab countries (like Syria, Libya, Yemen, etc…) were aspired to follow similar routes to make political change happens.
Bringing to memory that the Egyptian revolution of that time was the fruit of joint coordination between the Free Officers Movement headed by Abdel Nasser and Muslim Brotherhood along with the magic touch of the U.S. administration, which was actualized through a CIA covert project, known as “Project FF”, conducted by Kermit Roosevelt, Jr. (FF stands for “Fat Fucker”) .
Nevertheless, after two years of that political interconnectivity, the Muslim Brotherhood undertook a failed assassination attempt on Nasser’s life mainly due to his firm refusal to meet their demands to Islamize Egypt and share power. Actually, this homicidal event had provided Nasser and his revolutionary council with enough excuses to crucify and ban the Brotherhood for the next two decades or so.
Once again, in 2011, the Egyptian army and Muslim Brotherhood, with the U.S. go ahead, jointly orchestrated the takeover of Mubarak regime just like in 1952. However, this time the Brotherhood have managed to sideline the armed forces and manipulate other opposition groups to win the parliamentary and presidential elections to which they solely ruled the country until the second of this July.
Towards their intent to consolidate their governing dominance, the Muslim Brotherhood and president Morsi were defiantly imprudent in stuffing their fellow brothers in most prominent positions of the country’s policy-making structures—let alone dismissing all adversaries. To make it indigestible, they put forth efforts to utilize their political gain to gradually Islamize Egypt, notwithstanding the high-voiced calls of tens of millions Egyptians, Muslims and Christian alike, for a democratic and developed state.
All along the last year, the Egyptian opposition and civil movements were unable to twist the political will of the Brotherhood after which they stood fast against the Islamic ruling party and boycotted president Morsi. In a smart move, the opposition coalition front was successful in adopting a popular youth civil movement, known as “Tamard” means “Rebellion”, which was able to collect 22 million signed petitions demanding the dismissal of Mr. Morsi. In addition, the opposition front has managed to formulate an understanding with the army leadership in which they support the planned sit-in demonstrations against the Muslim Brotherhood, in return for being the kingmakers of post-Morsi era and Egypt’s national heroes.
In every practical sense, there are a number of new considerations and actualities that are very consequential to the political future of pivotal Egypt, Arab region and the world that need to be crystallized so that to perceive the Egyptian lesson.
However, before putting forth those new considerations, one has to decode the destabilizing reality, which revolves around the sleepwalking role of the U.S. administration in dealing with the Islamist issue, Arab uprisings and other Middle East problems that need reconfiguration of the current double standards in order to play its role in stabilizing the Arab chaotic world.
Unfortunately, It is obvious that Obama’s administration is falling short to cope with the Arab track of political change and revolts. Seeing that, it imposes, in the name of fighting down armed Islamist groups, a worldwide embargo on arms delivery to Syrian Islamist rebels who seek democratic rule, at one instance. While, it supports the dominance and uprisings of other Islamists like in Libya and Egypt, at another instance—this time in the name of supporting democratic change. Notwithstanding that, though Islamic groups use different cups to serve fundamentalism, but they drink from one well and seek to achieve almost the same goals.
In short, most people, Arabs and non-Arabs alike, expect from the free world, the U.S. in particular,to support democracy anywhere, as they claim, irrespective of whom democracy might brings in to power.
Back on track to name a few of those new considerations, the first act is that the age of Arab civil hibernation and political dormancy is about to end. Arab people have become furiously intolerant of any sort of despotism and sociopolitical ascendancy.
And that, though Islamic fundamentalism and other radical notions have lived long in the dreams of Islamists as the only solution to Muslims’ misfortune, yet in reality all have failed to serve even its cheerers. Just look into Egypt, Tunisia, Libya, Yemen, Algeria, etc…
And that, the mood of Arab Muslims, at large, is not in favor of an Islamic state—even a moderate one. Instead, Arabs are keen to have a modern democratic state.
And that, Arabs democratic practices are exercised in an impetuous manner seeing the general political mindset still need time and guidance to accept democracy as it is.
And that, there is a need to demagnetize the assumption that having free elections will automatically yield democracy from the minds of Arab commonalty, and that election in itself is just a process to deliver a set of freedoms, justice, human rights and human development.
On their road to democracy, Arabs should consider the pros and cons of the Egyptian case carefully, which has proved that the best way to political change is through peaceful civil practices. Likewise, it will prove soon (hope not) that when the military is involved, involved they will persist.
Democracy will prevail only when it is built on democratic reasoning that upholds and honors its resultant afar from who win or lose. Democracy will prevail only when it is considered the base to deliver liberty, justice and human development to the people.
Otherwise, no purpose.
Author’s Note: This article is simultaneously published at Arabian Gazette