Centered on Civil Liberties & Political Issues, Human Development & Socioeconomic Matters
Whenever you get involved in a political discussion concerning the question of peace and security in this chaotic world, you will find out that Middle East politics, Islamic and Arab organizations, Islamist groups, Iranian regime and Israel are the crux of any profound argumentation that seek to puzzle out this dilemma. In many parts of the world, there is a common belief that without ensuring peace and stability in the Arab world and Middle East region, the world would never enter into a long-lasting florescence and tranquil state.
Arab supporters and apologists impute the current miserable state of affairs of Arab and Muslim countries to some wicked conspiracy at which they bring in serious accusations against some nations and countries to posit their self-justifications thereof. On the other hand, most nonpartisan and political analysts pin the blame on Arab leaderships, Arab League and Islamic organizations more than blaming the international community, though they hold all accountable for such severe adversities and disarrays.
At large, these two standpoints rest on the same lived through actualities, yet have different case analysis and judgment of Middle East’s knotty issues. Undeniably, the fact remains that there are chronic problems which were not properly addressed neither by Middle Eastern and Islamic countries and their regional organizations, such as the inefficient Arab League and Organization of the Islamic Conference, nor by advanced democratic countries and international organizations, chiefly the UN and its crippled Security Council. Nevertheless, the underlying causes of the existing deplorable scene in the Middle East and Arab world have several compounded and intermixed aspects that have to be reassessed fairly and profoundly in order to figure out long-lasting resolutions.
Among those unsolved pivotal issues, the Middle East region, without exception, suffers degenerating consequences due to the failure of Israeli governments, Arab-Palestinian fronts and the international community to find and impose a durable answer to the most drawn-out armed conflict over land in modern history, and to the unceasing state of belligerency between Arabs and Israelis.
Alongside the Arab-Israeli dilemma, Arab authorities are facing vast domestic and regional challenges of which they became more dependent on the support of foreign powers to uphold their threatened national security, most of which to withstand the increasing hostile interference of the Iranian regime and its Arab Shiite affiliates in the Arab region.
Add on that, Arab governments as well as their respective official religious authorities were infirm to negate or safely ingest Sunni extremist notions and radical movements. Most respected Sunni religious establishments like those of Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Syria, for instance, who are supposed to be the frame of reference to all Sunni Islamic doctrines and the pumping heart of religious rationality to 1.40 billion Sunni Muslims, were unable to stand firm against the undercurrent of radicalism and Salafism or to zero the ensuing hot waters therefrom.
On the same off track, Middle East countries, by and large, who produce one-third of the world’s oil supplies and hold the richest crude oil reservoir on earth (contains around 50% of the world’s total proven reserves), have failed to provide real human development to its citizens through which they can get over poverty. Taking into account that, according to UNHDR-2011, 40% of Arab population (over 140 million) are living below the poverty line (less than $2 a day), not to discuss the camouflaged cases of Iran and Turkey, who have tens of millions of poor and unemployed people (18% poor plus 20% unemployed and 17% poor plus 12% unemployed of their populations, respectively).
Obviously, the Islamic world and Arab region, in particular, are functioning very poorly at all levels—leave off countries like Qatar and United Arab Emirates. Like it or not, the largest part of that failure is owed to their rigid political systems, self-opinionated leaderships, seditious role of religious clerics, incompetency of most national governments, atypical legislative assemblies (where installed), sectarianism of political parties (where permitted), under-the-thumb media, folkloric Arab League and fragmentation of Arab civil societies—let alone the off-key discourse of Islamic radicals.
This square say, however, is not to imply that world powers like the U.S., EU, United Nations, Security Council, the so-called international community and international organizations are not culpable for such very risky havoc, especially when one reckon their unjustified sloth and impotency to sustain security in the Middle East and thus lead the world to peace.
To make change, the Arab world and the Middle East region, at large, needs to have liberal forward-thinking leaderships that have plans to defuse radicalism, moderate hard-line political orientations, enforce the rule of law, foster social justice and civil rights, coordinate economic growth and render real human development. This major reform approach, however, necessitates some modifications of the collective security fundaments of the region.
On that, this developing region needs the actual participation and support of the UN and some advanced countries, especially those of the free world, to orchestrate a customized international security act through which they enforce the same international security criteria and penalizing measures on the entire region—without exception.
In addition, Middle Eastern countries need unfeigned help of the international community in the implementation of an all-embracing process meant to promote moderation, deliver true reform, facilitate international aid plan to trigger economic development, openly patronize liberalistic and democratic movements, and firmly back up human rights and civil liberties advocate groups in this region. Otherwise, security and stability of our world will remain in jeopardy until the first world and Middle East countries work shoulder-to-shoulder to bring about real peace to all.
To all intents and purposes, the question of whether this degenerative case is due to a mere intrinsic failure of Middle Eastern nations or an international conspiracy of silence, or just a fishy dereliction of the self-declared obligations of the international community, is likely to remain in dispute for some time.
Meanwhile, the emerging test of intents, which would define future alliances thus and so reshape the general security and political discourse of this region, is whether and how the First World will respond to the slaughter of more than hundred thousand innocent Syrian lives, who were, as now, butchered hour-by-hour just because they are calling for democracy, justice and liberty. They died for the same values and rights that the free world is supposed to stand up for—alas, none really did so far.
Before and after the demoralizing seven endpoints of the recent G-8 summit in Northern Ireland, the unavoidable question is whether the leader of the free world dares to take a firm stand to save and free the Syrian people and thus stabilize the raging Middle East before it is too late.
Or else, no one should be astonished, if the next blame game is about the use of weapons of mass destruction and the responsibilities for the death of millions thereof.
Author’s Note: This article is also published at Arabian Gazette